TORIES DISPLAYED CLEAR ANTI-NATIONALIST BIAS
Posted By: May 13, 2015
“Let’s leave aside her[ Secretary of State , Theresa Villiers] refusal to step in during the loyalist riots of 2013, her caving in to the daft pan-loyalist/unionist ‘commission’ on north Belfast, her interventions to prevent full inquests and inquiries into security force killings, her refusal to endorse the Haass proposals in case they annoyed unionists.
The clinching evidence of pro-unionist bias against the nationalist community is the following. There are 650 constituencies in the UK. The Conservative party stood candidates in 647.
They did not contest the speaker’s seat by convention. The only other two they did not contest were North Belfast and Fermanagh/South Tyrone thereby tacitly joining the unionist pact to defeat Sinn Féin.
Such brass-necked interference on behalf of the electoral fortunes of unionism by a British government has never happened before.“
The clinching evidence of pro-unionist bias against the nationalist community is the following. There are 650 constituencies in the UK. The Conservative party stood candidates in 647.
They did not contest the speaker’s seat by convention. The only other two they did not contest were North Belfast and Fermanagh/South Tyrone thereby tacitly joining the unionist pact to defeat Sinn Féin.
Such brass-necked interference on behalf of the electoral fortunes of unionism by a British government has never happened before.“
TORIES DISPLAYED CLEAR ANTI-NATIONALIST BIAS
Brian Feeney. Irish News ( Belafast). Wednesday, May 13, 2015
SO Westminster’s highly ineffectual proconsul returns to continue her undistinguished tenure at the Northern Ireland Office (NIO). Obviously Cameron didn’t think she was worth promoting at a time when he was looking for eligible women to grace his cabinet table.
Still, no matter, this place is so far down the pecking order in the British government the current clueless occupant is ideal for signing documents and flying back to London.
In some ways it’s the devil you know for, however hopeless any tenant of the NIO may be, there’s always the danger of someone even more useless being appointed.
At least nationalists know not to expect anything from her because she has positioned herself since 2012 to channel the Conservative government’s favours to the DUP, that “bunch of nutcases” as Jonathan Powell described them last week.
Let’s leave aside her refusal to step in during the loyalist riots of 2013, her caving in to the daft pan-loyalist/unionist ‘commission’ on north Belfast, her interventions to prevent full inquests and inquiries into security force killings, her refusal to endorse the Haass proposals in case they annoyed unionists.
The clinching evidence of pro-unionist bias against the nationalist community is the following. There are 650 constituencies in the UK. The Conservative party stood candidates in 647.
They did not contest the speaker’s seat by convention. The only other two they did not contest were North Belfast and Fermanagh/South Tyrone thereby tacitly joining the unionist pact to defeat Sinn Féin.
Such brass-necked interference on behalf of the electoral fortunes of unionism by a British government has never
happened before.
True, it’s unlikely a Conservative candidate would have made much difference. In most places the people cynically parachuted into the north from England polled a couple of hundred votes.
Nevertheless it’s the principle of it, indicating clear prejudice against the nationalist community and at the same time denying the basic principle Cameron asserted, namely to give everyone in the UK an opportunity to vote Conservative.
Obviously keeping in with unionists here trumped that principle. Therefore any prospect of an even-handed approach from this proconsul cannot be expected. All her comments and decisions must be viewed in that light.
They must also be viewed in the light of Cameron’s wafer-thin majority. John Major had a majority of 21. Cameron has less than half that and will face regular rebellions from his ‘swivel-eyed loons’ on the back benches. In which case he may turn to the bunch of ‘nutcases’ on the back benches facing.
There’s only one hope in this mess and that’s the certainty of Cameron with his arrogance and aloofness mishandling the SNP. He’s quite likely to drive the SNP to follow the example of Parnell’s Irish Party in the 19th century and start disrupting Commons business when they fail to make any progress in the English-dominated parliament.
Banging their heads against a brick wall for a year will guarantee them a huge majority in next year’s Scottish parliament elections. After the 2017 EU referendum the SNP MPs may well decide to copy Sinn Féin in 1919 and decamp to Edinburgh. Cameron desperately doesn’t want that to happen. He doesn’t want to be ‘the prime minister who lost Scotland’. Major concessions will be given to avoid that but they won’t simply be given to Scotland.
Real, meaningful devolution will have to be devised for Wales and Norn’ Irn [ Northern Ireland]. The DUP will oppose it and will resist ‘English votes for English laws’ (EVEL) which will dramatically diminish their influence in Commons votes, but it’s coming.
It has to, because Cameron will have to make concessions to the SNP which his own MPs will resent. Besides, he’s promised it.
Now into all this throw the Irish general election next year. How many seats will Sinn Féin take? What will their influence on the Irish government be? Will they be part of it?
It’s inconceivable that in talks about devo-max or independence-lite for Scotland and its consequences for the north that the Irish government will not be involved.
All that rather places the position of the eight DUP MPs in perspective. They can be bought as unionists often have been, for a vote here and there but as Seamus Mallon famously pointed out to unionists: “If you can be bought, you can be sold.”
SO Westminster’s highly ineffectual proconsul returns to continue her undistinguished tenure at the Northern Ireland Office (NIO). Obviously Cameron didn’t think she was worth promoting at a time when he was looking for eligible women to grace his cabinet table.
Still, no matter, this place is so far down the pecking order in the British government the current clueless occupant is ideal for signing documents and flying back to London.
In some ways it’s the devil you know for, however hopeless any tenant of the NIO may be, there’s always the danger of someone even more useless being appointed.
At least nationalists know not to expect anything from her because she has positioned herself since 2012 to channel the Conservative government’s favours to the DUP, that “bunch of nutcases” as Jonathan Powell described them last week.
Let’s leave aside her refusal to step in during the loyalist riots of 2013, her caving in to the daft pan-loyalist/unionist ‘commission’ on north Belfast, her interventions to prevent full inquests and inquiries into security force killings, her refusal to endorse the Haass proposals in case they annoyed unionists.
The clinching evidence of pro-unionist bias against the nationalist community is the following. There are 650 constituencies in the UK. The Conservative party stood candidates in 647.
They did not contest the speaker’s seat by convention. The only other two they did not contest were North Belfast and Fermanagh/South Tyrone thereby tacitly joining the unionist pact to defeat Sinn Féin.
Such brass-necked interference on behalf of the electoral fortunes of unionism by a British government has never
happened before.
True, it’s unlikely a Conservative candidate would have made much difference. In most places the people cynically parachuted into the north from England polled a couple of hundred votes.
Nevertheless it’s the principle of it, indicating clear prejudice against the nationalist community and at the same time denying the basic principle Cameron asserted, namely to give everyone in the UK an opportunity to vote Conservative.
Obviously keeping in with unionists here trumped that principle. Therefore any prospect of an even-handed approach from this proconsul cannot be expected. All her comments and decisions must be viewed in that light.
They must also be viewed in the light of Cameron’s wafer-thin majority. John Major had a majority of 21. Cameron has less than half that and will face regular rebellions from his ‘swivel-eyed loons’ on the back benches. In which case he may turn to the bunch of ‘nutcases’ on the back benches facing.
There’s only one hope in this mess and that’s the certainty of Cameron with his arrogance and aloofness mishandling the SNP. He’s quite likely to drive the SNP to follow the example of Parnell’s Irish Party in the 19th century and start disrupting Commons business when they fail to make any progress in the English-dominated parliament.
Banging their heads against a brick wall for a year will guarantee them a huge majority in next year’s Scottish parliament elections. After the 2017 EU referendum the SNP MPs may well decide to copy Sinn Féin in 1919 and decamp to Edinburgh. Cameron desperately doesn’t want that to happen. He doesn’t want to be ‘the prime minister who lost Scotland’. Major concessions will be given to avoid that but they won’t simply be given to Scotland.
Real, meaningful devolution will have to be devised for Wales and Norn’ Irn [ Northern Ireland]. The DUP will oppose it and will resist ‘English votes for English laws’ (EVEL) which will dramatically diminish their influence in Commons votes, but it’s coming.
It has to, because Cameron will have to make concessions to the SNP which his own MPs will resent. Besides, he’s promised it.
Now into all this throw the Irish general election next year. How many seats will Sinn Féin take? What will their influence on the Irish government be? Will they be part of it?
It’s inconceivable that in talks about devo-max or independence-lite for Scotland and its consequences for the north that the Irish government will not be involved.
All that rather places the position of the eight DUP MPs in perspective. They can be bought as unionists often have been, for a vote here and there but as Seamus Mallon famously pointed out to unionists: “If you can be bought, you can be sold.”
