THE PRESSURE IS ON FOR SINN FEIN
Posted By: April 04, 2014
Denis Bradley. Irish News( Belfast). Friday, April 4, 2014 MITCHEL Mclaughlin says that the irresponsible behaviour of mainstream unionism could lead to a political crisis. He recently wrote that there is a concerted effort by unionist parties to reverse the progress made since 1998 and to break binding agreements that were part of the peace process. The response from unionism is that such talk about political crisis is a smokescreen to obscure the pressure that Sinn Fein is under from dissident republicans. This argument, which has broken out recently, is against a backdrop where political momentum has almost completely stalled and the only dynamic is towards the May elections. It is inevitable that there is an amount of tension about parades up in north Belfast. Sinn Fein is certain to feel the breath of the dissidents on their neck around such an emotive issue and the presence of a 'loyal order' camp in Twaddell Avenue keeps that tension high. But apart from north Belfast, there is no evidence that the Shinners are feeling any pressure from the dissidents. If unionists genuinely want to understand why Sinn Fein are issuing warnings, they need to look way beyond the dissidents. Somewhere in the lexicon of political repartee there is a reference to guns making you powerful and butter making you fat. Sinn Fein's nightmare is the perception of becoming fat. The journey from guns to butter is never easy but republicans did it reasonably well. The success of that journey was on the back of a motto that butter would be best delivered by those who once proposed that politics in itself was not enough. Cynicism aside, it was important for the Sinn Fein strategy to be seen to make politics work and to improve the lives of their core support. That support is not confined to working-class areas of high unemployment and appalling deprivation indices. The growing nationalist middle-class whose tentacles are spreading geographically, socially and economically and whose ambitions have grown with the size of their wallets also form part of the Sinn Fein vote. Both parts of the core are showing their dissatisfaction. The lot of the working-class has worsened rather than improved and the stauncher the area the higher up the unemployment list it comes. The unemployed can understand a recession better than most but that doesn't lessen the disappointment of generational poverty after they were assured that it would be better when Sinn Fein got their hands on power. The middle-class are disappointed with the whole executive but they would probably give Sinn Fein a mark that bordered on failure. They fully understand the limited power that the executive has but they are far from impressed with what Sinn Fein has delivered. While an unreformed DUP occupy one of the corners in the boxing ring, Sinn Fein are in no danger of being removed as their opponent in the other corner. Our history and our divided loyalties have tied us into an incessant battle of numbers - the majority living in fear of becoming the minority and the minority patiently looking forward to the day when they become the majority. The two governments signed up to being the oil in the joints to keep some movement possible and to unlock anything that seized up completely. Unfortunately, we have inherited two governments[ Conservatives and Fine Gael] who had little skin[involvement/investment] in our peace process, and who seem to have forgotten or never understood their role. As a consequence, we are politically paralysed. But no matter how disappointed or disillusioned people might be, the percentage of the vote that Sinn Fein gets from nationalist/republican voters will remain roughly the same and in a tight contest, where a bloodied nose could be delivered to the DUP, that percentage is likely to be augmented by floating voters. it is not the percentage of the vote that scares Sinn Fein, it is the number who are thinking of not voting at all. If the disillusionment and cynicism grows and more and more people stop going to the polling station then Sinn Fein are left with the exact problem that unionism has been living with for many years. The number of non-voting unionists increases election after election. When people give up on voting in a number of elections it become very difficult, if not impossible, to get them back into the political fold. If that trend were to become as severe among nationalist/republican voters then Sinn Fein's strategy becomes even more difficult. They have plenty to be nervous about.